Headlines like “Is Google Making Us Stupid?” or “Is the
Internet Making Us Dumber?” quite clearly show that people are concerned
about what the Internet is doing to our cognition. Some have speculated
that the Internet has become a kind of external hard drive for our
brains, eliminating our need to really learn or process information.
Others point to the obvious advantages of having more information
available to more people than at any other time in history. As our lives
become increasingly wired, we are now stepping back to see just how
deep down the connections go.
In the late 1980s, communication researchers began shifting to a view
of human communication that was more cognitively based. Out of this
shift came a few now very successful theories that sought to describe
how we seek and process information. One of the most widely applicable
theories to come out of this “cognitive revolution,” developed by
researchers Alice Eagly and Shelly Chaiken, was dubbed the “Heuristic
Systematic Model” (or HSM). Like the highly popularized theory of
“System 1” and “System 2” thinking advanced by Nobel laureate Daniel
Kahneman, the HSM separates our information processing strategies into
two distinct modes. Our
heuristic thinking is characterized as a
rough and ready approximator relying on basic cues. Being that this
style of thought is cognitively less costly, it is our default, applying
stereotypes, models, and gut-reactions to the processing of
information. Conversely, our
systematic thinking is an in-depth
look at the evidence where we internalize information and connect it to
other ideas. The organizing concept of the HSM is that people are
cognitive misers. It takes real mental effort to process information
deeply, and as such we rarely do so, or only do so when properly
motivated.
The trigger to transition between styles in this dual-process cognition is partially dependent on the
sufficiency principle. Generally, when making a decision, we weigh how much we know against how much we
need
to know to make a confident judgment about a topic. If this gap between
what we know and what we need to know is small, heuristic-style
thinking is more likely. Conversely, if there is a large gap, we need to
expend more mental resources to close it, thus encouraging systematic
thinking. This Scrooge-like mental calculus determines how much we
process the information we are inundated with everyday. And we readily
recognize this game of cognitive economy, especially when browsing the
web. For example, going through a stuffed RSS feed can be a fairly
disengaged experience, with only the topics that are interesting,
confusing, or contentious garnering real attention. This “surf or stay”
mentality is easily grafted onto the HSM.
Where I think many of the “the Internet is making us stupid” claims
get it wrong is that these detractions also apply to other mediums. The
Internet is young and revolutionary, to be sure, but the brains we
explore it with are the same that peruse the sports section or catch up
on the Colbert Report. It should stand to reason that our theories of
information processing, like the HSM, should then apply to this new
medium. Rather than call a change in processing strategies a “dumbing
down” of the populous, we should be just as willing to first understand
without judgment how we think on the Internet as we do with newspapers
and television.
So
what is the Internet doing to our thinking? It is hard to say. Current
research has a hard time keeping up with the break-neck pace of online
culture, and only the more conventional mediums like television and
newspapers have been evaluated in any rigorous sense. Applying
successful models of human information processing to the Internet could
be a real boon for science. Are there certain aspects of websites that
encourage critical thinking? How do people determine if something is
credible on the Internet? Could we craft websites with an understanding
of cognition to better promote in-depth thought? These are questions
that are hard to answer in specific ways without a general foundation of
research, which is lacking. Ever the intrepid graduate student, I
believe this deficiency needs remedying.
Faced with an open chasm separating ignorance from less ignorance, I
have been trying to apply the HSM to the Internet. Of course I would
like to pair down this vague goal, perhaps looking at how people
evaluate scientific information on the web, but with a grand canyon of
research before me, I had to start general. I reasoned that if people
are to apply a certain style of thought to information, the information
must first go through the requisite credibility checks. An
accuracy motivation,
one of three motivations outlined in the HSM (the others being defense
and impression management), would then be a good place to begin.
Everyone has had the experience of trying to find good information on
the Internet, and examining the cognitive pursuit of this goal could
inform how people glean information from it. If I could instill an
accuracy motivation in participants and then ask them what factors of
websites indicate credible information, I would be one step closer to
learning how these factors modulate thinking styles.
I should state up front that the following discussion is the result
of a small pilot study that I completed during my graduate work. What I
have made of the results is largely speculative, but then again, given
the state of the literature, I have to be.
After delving into the communication literature on what factors
indicate credibility (there have been some studies looking at this in an
online context), I crafted a questionnaire. It first asked participants
to imagine that they needed to find information on the Internet about a
scientific topic and then asked what website characteristics would
steer them towards a credible site. Based on the results, I found a
grouping of five factors that informed the credibility of a website:
1.
Heuristics: This factor is
comprised of the appearance of a “like button,” attractive graphics, and
professional design. Because these are superficial characteristics of a
website and are linked to the presence of accurate information, it was
decided that this factor measures a heuristic judgment.
2.
Need for Outside Verification:
This factor is comprised of the appearance of scientific references and
links to other websites. The items in this factor were interpreted to
represent a value in outside verification for accurate information. For
example, a website that has scientific references to back up the
information on that website has externally validated information.
Similarly, a website that has links to other websites that a person
recognizes may indicate that the website is as credible as the other
websites that the person knows or trusts.
3.
Authority: This factor is
comprised of valuing an organization’s website over an individual’s
(e.g. NASA versus a lone person) and valuing an authority-run website.
This factor is similar to the
Heuristic factor, as an appeal to
authority is a cognitive heuristic, but is separate because authority
is not a superficial characteristic like attractive graphics is, for
example. This factor represents a value in the authority of the website
for an indication of accurate information.
4.
Skeptics: This factor is comprised
of the appearance of advertisements, impressive author credentials, and
available author contact information. This factor is interpreted as a
skeptical mindset because it represents respondents who think
advertisements on a website make the website less credible, who do not
trust high author credentials, and who value author contact information.
This factor rejects some superficial characteristics of credibility and
values the ability to contact the author of the information on a
website directly.
5.
Domain: This factor is only
comprised of a website’s domain (.gov or .edu versus .com).
Interestingly, this item does not fit into any other superficial
characteristics. This may indicate that an official domain is the bar to
pass when searching for a credible website.
These factors capture much of what I think people look for in
assessing the credibility of a website. But how does this inform how we
think within digital confines? The next step would be to vary these
factors experimentally. Perhaps the more authoritative the website, the
more heuristically people will process the information found there.
Maybe a website with a “.com” domain triggers more systematic processing
to verify the information (given a strong motivation). But the work on
this still needs to be done.
When the data is laid bare, finding the triggers of heuristic and
systematic thinking could inform science communication and scientific
literacy. If we know what cues give that superficial gleam of accuracy,
we can better inform the public on how to sort the sites that only look
good from the ones that actually are good and encourage more systematic
processing. Science educators could craft websites that hit all the
right switches, separating the science wheat from the pseudoscience
chaff. Furthermore, it could be the case that the uniqueness of the
Internet
is actually affecting the way we think. Perhaps
persistent “surfing” has fundamentally changed the size of our perceived
information sufficiency gap; heuristics may rule the day. Of course,
without the necessary cognitive resources or motivations, it is hard to
get us to think critically about anything. In this way, promoting
scientific literacy and effective science communication is still
critically important.
Research into how we process information on the Internet is in its
infancy, simultaneously announcing a grand ignorance and inspiring novel
ideas. The meticulous plod of science in the Internet age is
reminiscent of the tortoise and the hare, yet there seems to be no
better way to win the race than to look at digital culture with our
emerging tools which investigate cognition. I’d speculate more about how
the Internet has changed our information processing strategies, but I
have 500+ RSS items to get through…
“Information overload” image courtesy of Science Photo Library, diagram by author.